Back to resources

A Mirage or an Opportunity? 21st Century Water Governance.

Water | Dec 24, 2016

If water governance does not improve in India, we seem headed straight towards disaster. Our groundwater tables are abysmally low in many parts of the country; many of our main river basins are closed. And the expressed demand for water might not even be half-met in the next decade.

So the question of how to radically reimagine the way the country manages its key natural resource is a most critical one to answer.

Under the circumstances, the Mihir Shah committee has done nothing short of a valiant job. Looking into the functioning of 2 key national water institutions, the CWC And the CGWB, and recommending that they be more closely tied at the hip, they have tried to integrate national water institutions as water itself is integrated in the real world.

Unfortunately, the committee’s job was a bit like that of the man looking under the lamppost for the ring he lost in the gutter, because that’s where the light was.

Clearly, in the TOR, there was not much scope to make bold recommendations about an out dated, inefficient bureaucracy; to suggest it be dismantled wholly or in any part, for example, but merely to re-orient and restructure it.

Within that constraint, the committee has tried to load onto the new institution envisaged by it – the National Water Commission, all the wonderful, progressive things it would like to see implemented as part of what it calls a 21st century institutional architecture.

It has the created a long, detailed report (146 pages with annexures!) that is both tantalising and perplexing. To its credit, the committee has first cogently plied us with the urgency and criticality of thinking anew about water governance in the new century. It is an encyclopaedic list of new sector thinking, that some on the committee have been leading for the past several years. Firmly based on principles of ecological justice and human welfare, it looks at the key natural resource of water through the lens of integration and inter-disciplinarity, people’s participation and decentralisation, science and data applied to the public interest, and so on. It tells the reader very clearly that existing strategies have failed people, especially farmers, and has also created ecological disasters, in terms of closed river basins, flooding, droughts, drained aquifers, depleting base flows and more. It looks with clear eyes at the growing human demand across sectors, from agriculture to industrial and urban, and the need to manage this demand better. The report proceeds to remind us that in the light of this knowledge about earlier failures and misguided thinking, it is imperative that water sector governance in the country is truly revolutionised.

The report then abruptly lets us down by describing, again in great detail, the setting up of a new governance institution that is more about the 19th century than it is about the 21st century, in terms of its architecture! With apologies to the many friends and colleagues on the committee, I do believe that creating a new bureaucracy by merging two old entities, retaining all its personnel, and keeping it locked under all the constraining factors that prevent our bureaucrats and institutions from meeting their mandate, will not make the difference this country needs, especially in this most critical water sector.

The report talks of hydro- schizophrenia but seems to succumb to some of that malaise itself. On one page, the report accepts that the capacities of existing personnel are quite inadequate for the new sector challenges, and on another, it timidly accepts the possibility of redeploying all existing personnel into the various divisions of the new NWC. It talks of societal goals and people’s participation but then expects the government’s mammoth bureaucracies to oversee what firmly must rest in the societal space – the space of the samaj, with all its diverse risks and possibilities. It speaks of the need to create that diverse set of responses to diverse needs on the ground, but then expects governments to scale up such diversity. If there is any lesson about government behaviour over two centuries, it is that governments are excellent at scaling up one size fits all responses, and solutions, but remarkably ill-equipped to scale up solutions that require flexible, just in time solutions. It speaks of decentralisation and a ground up governance infrastructure, but lands up recommending a top and middle heavy bureaucracy. It speaks eloquently about the need to adopt best practices from around the world, and to build partnerships with all manner of academic and civil society institutions, but fails to acknowledge that governments are very turf protective and reluctant to create open architectures.

In short, while the committee’s analysis of the complexity of the water sector is finely nuanced and its understanding of what needs to be done is far-reaching, it fails in arriving at the ‘how’ of making its ideas fructify.

Its prescriptions, if adopted, are more likely to lock India’s water sector into a low level equilibrium than to set it free to innovate boldly for the complex new challenges at a new, little understood scale.

Perhaps, if the committee was given a more free hand to look at water governance from a clean slate, we could have got a more innovative approach and more radical, and more implementable solution frameworks from the group of brilliant, respected practitioners and academics that formed the committee.

Many of its ideas need to simultaneously apply to other institutions, especially to the highly toxic structure of the Pollution Control Boards. These architectures must also be tested at the parastatals like the BWSSB that dominate the urabn water management scenario in the country.

It remains to be seen how this government reacts to the report and whether it will go ahead with creating the National Water Commission as recommended in it.

Meanwhile, citizens, water practitioners, farmers, corporates, urban planners or NGOs, all have had little choice but to experiment in myriad ways to tweak the way water is governed in the country today. As we speak, so many efforts are already under way, without waiting for the government to overhaul its institutions, or even to adopt better policy and laws.

Some examples:

*In the wake of ever more variation in rainfall, people – and corporations – are taking up the construction of small water bodies and rainwater harvesting structures wherever they can. They are reviving and cleaning up their open wells. They are digging farm ponds, with or without the assistance of NREGA or other work programmes of the government. Citizen groups in places like Bengaluru are coming together to save lakes, and to conserve water.

*Rightly or wrongly, new deepening of river channels is happening in places like Marathwada, with crowd sourced funding, hoping to revive the dried up rivers there. This is the second wave; at least, of community-based river rejuvenation programmes after Rajinder Singh’s groups and many others like Sambhaav revived rivers and aquifers in Rajasthan.

*Many corporations are looking closely at improving water efficiency in their entire supply chains, thereby acknowledging the non-monetary value of water. They are holding themselves accountable for using less water inside their fence as well. These are good signs, even if small and sometimes imperfect.

*Decentralised waste management is gaining some traction, as is experimentation on new toilet design, faecal sludge management, behaviour change communication and the massive building of toilets with or without subsidies from government (for example, the micro finance backed toilet construction in towns like Coimbatore), Much philanthropic capital is entering this space, and is able to absorb serious risk.

*Participatory Ground Water Management (PGWM) is also spreading in different forms, and might scale faster as ground water becomes scarcer. Arghyam itself has supported 500 such efforts around the country and other donors and institutions have picked up such work in multiple geographies.

*Community centred rejuvenation of neglected springs has spread quickly in some areas, including in the mountain states of the north, creating local, sustainable, zero energy, 24/7 drinking water supply for local communities.

*Ground water is increasingly bought and sold around the country, and is possibly revealing its true economic price. Government documents consistently have ignored the existence of thriving though unregulated water markets all over the country. In the context of scarcity, these markets get a new lease of life, with farmers being forced to buy ground water for their crops in some areas. Assuming that people who buy water will not want to waste it, this might be a driver for more efficient use too.

*Water quality awareness is rising. For example, the water quality networks on arsenic and fluoride (supported by Arghyam) are seeing impressive action across states.

Everywhere, people are choosing to buy safer, cleaner water if their local governments cannot supply it. A burgeoning market for water purification has emerged, and needs to be understood better.

This is a small sample of innovations. All these interventions need to be studied in much greater detail. But the strong point is that these are societal responses in diverse local forms, to the increasing unpredictability of access to safe water.

There has been a clear failure of the state at all three levels to create a holistic approach to water management that allows people to draw minimum water from the environment and yet meet lifeline and livelihood needs. Yet this is not a blame game.

It is time to unleash all manner of experiments to allow water resources to be understood and managed locally and at different scales, using emerging technologies and new ideas, rooted in principles of justice.

In this process, it might be wise not to preemptorily create new regulatory structures that knock out the innovation and the samaj’s own initiatives.

21st century water governance requires people and institutions to move away from hard-wired, financially prohibitive infrastructure towards decentralised, flexible, financially and operationally viable infrastructure and systems for storage, for equity and efficiency of use, and for treatment and recycling of waste water streams. Necessarily then, the behaviour of the state will need changing to allow for this flexibility.

21st century water governance also requires us to imagine the use of new technologies that have emerged in just the past few years, to meet the twin goals of equity and sustainability.

To name just a few, there are tools and technologies like crowd-sourcing, smart sensors, IOT, data analytics, machine learning, artificial intelligence, data visualisation tools, modelling tools, drones, robotics and more.

If we are open to their possibility, they allow the creation of incredibly powerful open source, open access data platforms that can reduce knowledge asymmetry in dramatic ways.

Knowledge symmetry is at the heart of many successful water governance systems of the past.

In the 19th century, across India, but especially in water scarce Rajasthan, people created the most aesthetic water structures that were also architecturally designed to provide the community equal information about precious water. For example, the baudis or step wells of Jaisalmer were designed with the depiction of different animal forms rising from the steps of the well. If people could see water till the trunk of the elephant, for example, they could roughly estimate that there was enough water to last for several months. But if the water pooled at the elephant’s feet, it meant scarcity ahead and allowed people to plan for conserving that water and creating the necessary trade-offs. No doubt it was a difficult process, but it seems to have passed the test of time.

At that scale, this approach works just fine. The moment we cross over into societies of multiple layered structures of identity and authority and commerce, we need a new design.

Today’s technologies allow similar open knowledge structures to come into the palm of people’s hands through mobile phones, with much more sophistication.

A 21st century water governance imagination would need to include the immense potential of such technologies.

So, let us imagine what can be unleashed if we created such an open data platform for crowd sourced information on ground water use, for example.

30 million or more, mostly private bore wells cannot be managed through retrofitted government regulation. Nor should they be. And yet, because individual users have little or no information about their actions on their own future usage, or the implication of their action on their neighbours, profligate extraction continues.

What if, with some groundwork, bore well water users were willing to put sensors or meters on their wells, purely in a voluntary manner, in small closed experiments at first, to create a data picture of aquifer usage, for better neighbourhood management of a common pool resource?

As such a movement grew, it would mean that we could begin to map the country’s aquifers in a bottom up manner that could seriously complement the ambitious NAQUIM programme’s somewhat top down approach.

Let’s be clear. We cannot do this bottom up mapping and re-imagining of the role of the samaj if we reject these technologies for the samaj space. If communities do not equip themselves with these tools, they can lose the information race. That is exactly what happened when a social platform (though not a societal one, in my dictionary) was created to allow people to friend each other in a totally private universe. This platform’s goals were substantially different from the common goals of a broader public. Yet, many civil society organisations stayed away from this crucial debate. It must not happen again in the water sector.

As far as I can understand it, the same technology tools can allow for total surveillance but also for pervasive sous-veillance (monitoring from below). It is up to us, as citizens, to use the potential of these forces to suit the public interest.

While I acknowledge that this is easier said than done, I wish mainly to paint the contours of what could truly become a Version 1 of radical, community based, decentralised water governance for this century, with an enabling, not all-encompassing, role played by the state.

In fact, that is exactly what happened in ground water four decades ago. While the government’s attention and money were mainly focused on massive surface water infrastructure, at a combined cost since independence of Rs 400,000 crores, people had discovered the bore well rig. Supposedly brought into the country through Unicef, as one story goes, to wean people away from contaminated surface water, it soon became a decentralised tool in the hands of people to access the invisible water below their feet.

There are lessons to be had from this saga of how bore wells spread across the country in 40 short years, without any active government intervention. Maybe we need more nuanced research about the incentives and drivers behind this phenomenon that has made India the biggest extractor of groundwater in the whole world.

Of course this has led to unsustainable extraction. Most solutions at one scale turn into new problems at another scale. And in this case, the conspicuous absence of regulation and sensibly public policy created a rapid race to the bottom.

Is the answer more regulation? Perhaps not.

There are risks to creating new state structures that take back the people’s power and freedom, in the name of sustainability or equity. We need to think carefully before handing back an essentially decentralised system, with all its perils, into the hands of a dysfunctional state, susceptible to elite capture.

What proper lessons can we learn from these past four decades of private initiatives combined with benign state neglect?

Can we stop hiding from the plain truth, that a lack of regulation allowed the flourishing of a system that allowed millions of people access to water, especially in rain fed areas where canal water would never have reached?

How can we turn that understanding so that the same kind of private and public energy helps us manage ground water better?

What kind of new policy can we create in the immediate future that does not over regulate the sector with heavy -handed punitive measures?

Which policies can encourage collaboration or competition but not create monopolies? What policies will reject large, ineffective, unaccountable bureaucracies?

How can we create new but minimal institutions that enable the deployment of the latest technology trends to create open, societal platforms that act as trust networks for people to collaborate on problem solving? One clear example is that of the US government funded GPS technology, which has evolved into an open public good.

The opening up of this technology has allowed immense innovation from both the private and public sectors. It has become a public good that many take for granted. Many can search on their phones for a nearby restaurant, or for the nearest hospital in an emergency. This minimal public infrastructure today allows people to manage their own spatial environment in myriad ways. It has created multiplier benefits in all directions.

When it comes to water, many similar things are possible.

What energy or leadership will help design a similar public platform that allows all of us to become smart, sustainable users of the precious water resources of this country and of the planet?

These seem to be the unanswered questions.

But, if we are truly aiming for 21st century water governance mechanisms, we need to open these questions up across sectors.

Some answers will surely follow.

EPW

More like this

Water

Making invisible water visible

The capricious nature of groundwater has resulted in so much exploitation and overuse that we now have a consistent crisis. Presenting a roadmap for groundwater governance and information transparency using technology
Aug 10, 2018 | Article

Water

Malnutrition and Sanitation in India

This is an edited version of Rohini Nilekani and Pavan Srinath’s discussion on malnutrition and sanitation in India. This conversation took place on the sidelines of the Takshashila-Hudson conference, “Shaping India’s New Growth Agenda: Implications for the World” in Bangalore on August 1-2, 2014. Over the last two decades India has made a lot of […]
Aug 7, 2014 | Panel Discussions

Water

Save The Flow - Protect nature, conserve water

The Bangalore Film Society and fellow organisations have no hammer. Still, for four days in early June, they hammered out a warning, with cinema as their tool. The purpose: to generate awareness about the vital importance of water, its destructive capacity generate awareness about the vital importance of water, its destructive capacity. View PDF
Jul 1, 2007 | Article

Water

水资源对亚洲新兴大国构成挑战 ——下篇

班加罗尔:至今年7月,雨季已在这块次大陆的大部分区域驻足很久。在漫长、酷热的夏日,各国往往都屏住呼吸、翘首盼望一场带来清凉和生机的雨,这种渴望已不再那么强烈。不过,这一地区的16亿人们知道,明年夏天这种担忧还会回来。 从根本上说,水是一种有限的资源。对于所有的有限资源来说,我们始终需要对它们进行可持续的、公正的管理,控制需求,改善供应效率,并开发替代品。然而,与这一宝贵资源相关的社会文化信仰和价值观等让上述做法变得复杂。 如今,印度政治中主导的问题是自然资源管理的争议,尤其在土地征用方面。虽然经济自由化已经实行20多年,但是在土地转让的管理和规范框架方面还未曾有任何澄清或达成一致意见。土地转让是不可避免的,是印度从一个以家庭和农业为主的经济转向混合型的全球化经济所必需的。 在印度,土地之争常年都有,到处皆是,然而,重头戏是即将到来的水资源之争。与土地资源 相似,水资源也面临缺少法律和政策共识的情形。在南方的喀拉拉邦(Kerala),一个团体已起诉可口可乐公司,指控该公司过度使用资源,造成土地含水层 枯竭。在北方的查蒂斯加尔邦(Chhatisgarh)的塞奥纳特河(Sheonath River),一份《辐射区水域合同》(Radius Water contract)的签署使得该河流的一段水域被私有化,为此,人们开始了长期的抗议。因为农业用水被用于城市供水,农村和城市的团体陷入了争斗,更不用 说各邦之间因为共享河流水域而出现的大规模冲突。 印度国家规划委员会(The Planning Commission of India)已反复警示说,今后印度的水资源问题会比土地或能源问题更加严重。在筹划印度第十二个五年计划过程中,该委员会会已着手进行广泛的咨询活动, 以期更好地管理水资源。然而,取得共识并且执行措施仍旧是巨大的挑战,因为印度的水资源并不受联邦宪法约束,而是由各邦管辖。 各邦地下水开采情况:条形图显示的是,地下水开采量占地下水补给量的百分比。地图:美国宇航局(NASA)/马特•罗德尔(Matt Rodell)。美工:黛比•坎波利(Debbie Campoli)/耶鲁全球Enlarge Image 与此同时,印度也许需要为长期的淡水短缺做好准备。它是全世界最潮湿的国家之一,年均降 雨量达1170毫升,年总水资源量约四万亿立方米,其中超过四分之一是可利用的。由于人口高速增长,水资源消耗不断增加,人均可用水量——水资源危机的指 标之一——几年来已稳步减少。如果不加选择地对河流和地下含水层进行开采,不对水资源补给和再生进行充分思考,印度在这个十年内会正式成为水资源紧张的国 家,年人均可用水量将跌至1700立方米的通用指标以下。在纯粹的以人为本的立场之外,认识到水本身是大自然中的重要元素这一点是很重要的。 对水的过度开采和过度使用已经对环境造成了毁灭性影响。海洋健康正在恶化,严重污染的水 体已无法让水生生物存活,有些河流再也不能入海,等等。这些后果意味深远。水是经济赖以存在的生态基础的决定性因素。为了保护生态和经济,印度需要有国家 战略,把水资源问题放在发展规划和实施的中心。 正如各国讨论用低碳经济来降低对化石燃料的依赖、减少气候变化带来的威胁,印度必须开创一种低水经济,从而保障未来发展、履行对未来子孙后代的责任。 低水经济的原则应该是,水应当尽量以自然状态留存在环境中。每取用一滴水都必须是合理的。使用过的每一滴水都必须被回收,并且在可重新利用的时候再次利用。 接受这一原则意味着水资源利用的三个主要方面——农业、工业和家庭——面临诸多挑战。而这每一个方面都提供了创造性的机会,让人们在追求经济可持续性的同时,重新定义目前社会与自然世界之间令人担忧的关系。 农业用水如今占用水总需求的80%以上。有多种方式可以使每滴水生产更多的作物,减少水 足迹。这些想法并不是新的,但需要重提,因为需要通过政策、资助和知识生产来更好地实施这些想法。印度必须坚持把农民利益放在核心位置,切断廉价电力和农 田水浪费的联系;激励农田节水技术;合理规划农作物的生产、采购和出口。一些研究表明,目前水以存在于牛奶、丝绸和棉花等产品中的虚拟水的形式,从水资源 稀缺地区转移至水资源丰富地区。这为重新思考虚拟水贸易,以逆转不公平趋势提供了机会。农产企业有经济刺激来提高整个供应链的用水效率,政府政策必须得到 企业的服从。 消费者也可以通过做出明智的选择来支持低水农业。他们可以在一系列健康的、生长过程中耗水很少或非常抗旱的黍类和其他粮食作物中做出选择。在强大的政策支持和领导下,这种意识会像滚雪球那样迅速增强。 工业作为低水经济中的一部分,发挥着关键的作用。工业的用水需求应该来自目前的农业来 源。能源领域是主要的耗水领域,必须为减少水足迹设置明确的目标。其他的工业部门如果污染淡水水体,将不能逃脱惩罚。激励措施必须是一致的,让污染水体或 者把水用于环境、生命和生活以外的用途变得更加困难。低水经济的愿望可有助于开战受到民众欢迎的、保护印度河流的运动。 农村家庭用水几乎没有减少的空间。政府的标准是每天每人使用约55升水,而人们一天至少需要50升水,用于饮用、烹饪和洗澡。总之,每家每户都应该有管道供水和卫生设施,这可以改善公共卫生指标,降低新生儿死亡率。 在市区,重新思考的范围很广。城市对水资源和供应系统管理不善,缺乏公平性、可靠性和供 应的充分性。在德里,人均可利用水量从36升每天到400升每天不等。尽管神圣的亚穆纳河(Yamuna)就在市区附近流淌,首都为了生产更多的水,从数 百公里之外的水源取水进行生产,花费了大量的不可挽回的成本。废水没有得到处理,以便再利用。而且在许多人还在为基本的生活权利做斗争时,德里市也没有对 水源消耗的精英人士进行任何惩罚。 如果国家首都带头对水进行不负责任的管理,其他城市会照样执行。未来三十年,当三亿印度 人涌入城镇时,这些城市将不得不重新设计供水服务。他们必须采用综合性的方法,从源头到水池的整个过程来管理城市用水,在使用外部水源之前先使用当地水 源,确保亲贫政策,采取分散的方式,鼓励在非饮用需求等方面使用回收利用的废水。班加罗尔在有些方面已经领先一步,包括推行一项亲贫政策来确保所有人都有 基本生活用水,按照用量收费的做法,以及对私人挖掘的水井收取额外费用的做法。另外一些挑战是优化雨水,再生湖泊,重复利用废水以降低对外部水源的依赖。 如果不推行积极措施,水会成为制约印度的全面和可持续发展的因素。幸运的是,虽然水是有限的,它却是无限地可再生的。现在印度必须更新它古老的智慧,进行更经济地种植,同时减少水的使用足迹。
Jul 14, 2011 |